Friday, December 6, 2013

De Blasio's New NYPD Commissioner Would Have Crushed Occupy Wall Street Like A Cockroach

from gothamist.com




120613bratton.jpg 
(Getty)
Bill de Blasio, NYC's new Trotskyite Sandinista Commandant, was an outspoken supporter of the Occupy Wall Street movement and many of the progressive values it espoused. He spoke at Zuccotti Park in October of 2011, and heralded the activists for dragging "the growing crisis of income inequality out into the light of day." He called Bloomberg's decision to evict the occupation in the dead of night "troubling" and said he would have let the protest "play out." His police commissioner, however, would have swept that park clean as soon as the first twinkle fingers hit the air.
Capital New York reports that incoming NYPD Commissioner Bill Bratton, known for his "broken windows" approach to law enforcement during the Giuliani administration, told a former New York City official that if he were commissioner during Occupy Wall Street he would have "cleared them out right away." And during a speech in Manhattan last year, Bratton bluntly stated that "You can't allow people to occupy public space." Here's exclusive video showing the subtext of yesterday's press conference:
Bill de Blasio's transition team did not respond to our request for comment on Bratton's Occupy Wall Street remarks. But it's not just Occupy Wall Street supporters who may be disappointed by our new commissioner's fascist disregard for the Constitutional right to freedom of assembly. Although the NYCLU tentatively embraced de Blasio's choice for commissioner yesterday, Bratton has been an enthusiastic supporter of the controversial stop-and-frisk tactic. In an interview with the New Yorker earlier this year, Bratton "emphatically endorsed" stop-and-frisk, saying:
First off, stop-question-and-frisk has been around forever. It is known by stop-and-frisk in New York, but other cities describe it other ways, like stop-question-and-frisk or Terry stops. It’s based on a Supreme Court case from 1968, Terry v. Ohio, which focused very significantly on it. Stop-and-frisk is such a basic tool of policing. It’s one of the most fundamental practices in American policing. If cops are not doing stop-and-frisk, they are not doing their jobs. It is a basic, fundamental tool of police work in the whole country. If you do away with stop-and-frisk, this city will go down the chute as fast as anything you can imagine.
At yesterday's press conference, Bratton said he was committed to reducing stop-and-frisk and improving community outreach. Time will tell where Bratton really stands on the policing strategy, and if he is truly on board with de Blasio's promise to "create an environment where the stop-and-frisk era—the stop-and-frisk as we knew it—ends. We’re not going to proceed with a policy where 90 percent of the people stopped are innocent in every way shape and form."
And Muslim Advocates, a group that joined a lawsuit challenging the NYPD's allegedly unconstitutional surveillance of Muslims, is "seriously concerned" about de Blasio's choice, issuing a statement yesterday saying Bratton "has a troubling record of supporting the types of practices that have caused so much concern among New Yorkers, and mayor-elect de Blasio has made a campaign promise to reform the NYPD because of these very issues."
The group added that Bratton promoted "a widespread data gathering and mapping project targeting innocent American muslims in Los Angeles which was defeated only after public outcry and the intervention of then-Mayor Villaraigosa." On the plus side, at least he loves literature?
Contact the author of this article or email tips@gothamist.com with further questions, comments or tips.

Thursday, September 5, 2013

'99%: The Occupy Wall Street Collaborative Film,' movie review

from nydailynews


Also in review: 'Tio Papi,' 'Il Futuro,' 'Red Obsession'

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Protesters swarm downtown in ‘99%: The Occupy Wall Street Collaborative Film.’

Protesters swarm downtown in ‘99%: The Occupy Wall Street Collaborative Film.’

'99%: THE OCCUPY WALL STREET COLLABORATIVE FILM.'  2 stars.
Kaleidoscopic look at 2011’s economic protest (1:37). R: Language. Village East.
Just two years ago, a walk through lower Manhattan meant tiptoeing past protesters from a surprisingly diverse pool of angry citizens. This doc does a good job of rooting out the demonstration’s origins, and showing how the movement sustained itself for so long.
The kitchen-sink approach, culled from numerous video sources, means that some segments are mesmerizing, others not, with talking heads like Matt Taibbi and Naomi Wolf adding structure. While the film does more than its share of meandering, unless you own a fleet of yachts there’s something in here to fire you up. Whether there are also solutions is open to interpretation.

Read more: http://www.nydailynews.com/entertainment/tv-movies/99-occupy-wall-street-collaborative-film-movie-review-article-1.1447315#ixzz2e4xPmRPhaborative-film-movie-review-article-1.1447315#ixzz2e4wiJRsi

Monday, August 5, 2013

The Triggers of Economic Inequality

from billmoyers.com

January 15, 2012

By Troy Oxford and Lauren Feeney
In recent years, the rich have seen their wealth grow dramatically while the poor and middle class have basically flatlined. It’s no accident, argue Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson in their book Winner-Take-All Politics. The infographic below, which draws from Hacker and Pierson’s book, explains how our politicians — on both sides of the aisle — fell under the spell of corporate dollars and re-engineered our economic system to favor the wealthy. The dark green line shows the income trajectory for the top 1 percent since 1970, while the light green line shows the bottom 90 percent. Click the orange triangles to learn about critical turning points that helped create the skewed system we have today.

Tuesday, July 30, 2013

Why 'Occupy Wall Street' Fizzled

from huffpost

Wray Herbert





The Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street came into existence at roughly the same time, in the wake of the financial markets' collapse, and each was an angry challenge to the country's financial and political status quo. But there the similarity ended.
The ultra-conservative Tea Party movement focused on tax cuts and smaller government, and it has never veered far from that message. It achieved consensus on these goals early on, and has succeeded in unifying adherents in its congressional caucus and elsewhere. It remains a potent force in American politics today.
The liberal Occupy Wall Street, by contrast, focused on... well, what exactly? Its message, beyond disdain for the rich, was never entirely clear to many Americans, and indeed its various protests fizzled without much to show -- no new leaders, no legislative victories or political change of any kind. If anything, the national mood favored liberal ideas, yet the Occupy protestors never showed any kind of solidarity. The movement is now dead, and will be no more than a footnote to history.
Why the stark difference in the fates of these two movements? A group of New York University psychological scientists believe the answer may lie in a fundamental psychological difference between liberals and conservatives -- specifically in how individuals on the left and right perceive their uniqueness. Everyone believes their beliefs are more widely shared than they actually are, but Chadly Stern and his colleagues think that liberals are also highly motivated to feel unique and nonconformist, and that they therefore underestimate their similarity to other liberals. Moderates and conservatives overestimate their similarity to other like-minded people, and this basic psychological difference could be undermining liberal solidarity and mobilizing conservative movements.
Here's how they explored this idea in the lab. They recruited a large sample of men and women, ranging in age from 18 to 77, who identified themselves as ideologically liberal, moderate or conservative. All the volunteers read a series of statements, with which they could agree or disagree. Some of the statements were political (American should strive to strengthen its military) and some were general (I like poetry). They were then asked to estimate the percentage of politically like-minded people who would agree with each statement. Everyone completed a psychological inventory that measured personal need for uniqueness.
The idea was to see if liberals see themselves as less conformist than moderates and conservatives. And they do. As reported in a forthcoming issue of the journal Psychological Science, self-defined liberals underestimated the similarity of their views to those of other liberals, whereas moderates and conservatives overestimated this similarity. What's more, liberals' nonconformist views were clearly shaped by a dispositional desire to be seen as different, not part of the crowd. The authors believe this is a deeply rooted egocentric bias in the way liberals see themselves in the world.
This finding has important implications, especially for those who want to mobilize political movements. Perceived consensus -- even if it's just a perception -- can motivate a movement's rank and file to embrace social change and stay focused. By contrast, the desire for uniqueness can undermine individuals' ability to capitalize on whatever consensus actually exists. The NYU scientists believe that this psychological dynamic is reflected most notably in the media today, where conservative pundits speak with a unified voice of a movement, while liberal commentators splinter the left with critical and diverging views.
Follow Wray Herbert on Twitter at @wrayherbert.
Been to Occupy Wall Street?
If you've been to an Occupy Wall Street event anywhere in the country, we'd like to hear from you. Send OfftheBus your photos, links to videos or first-hand accounts of what you've seen for possible inclusion in The Huffington Posts's coverage.

Sunday, June 30, 2013

The Anatomy of the Occupy Wall Street Movement on Twitter

from technologyreview


The Occupy Wall Street movement began in September 2011 as a grass roots protest against the inequality, greed and corruption associated with the financial sector of the economy. The movement adopted the slogan: ”We are the 99%” which refers to the distribution of wealth in the US between the richest 1 per cent and the rest.
What was extraordinary about this movement was the speed with which it spread, passing rapidly between communities via social media and Twitter in particular.
So an interesting question is how this movement became so big, so quickly and what has happened since to the most active participants.
Today, we get an answer of sorts thanks to the work of Michael Conover and buddies at Indiana University in Bloomington. These guys have studied the flow of information across Twitter related to the Occupy Wall Street movement before and after the protests began. They’ve also looked at the individuals involved and how their Twitter activity has changed over this time period.
Their astonishing conclusion is that despite its fiery birth, the Occupy Wall Street movement has become a damp squib and that the key people behind it have lost interest.
Conover and co began by studying the tweets associated with Occupy-related hashtags over a 15-month period starting three months before the protests began. That gave them a corpus of information consisting of more than .8 million tweets from almost half a million separate accounts.
They then studied a randomly chosen set of 25,000 of these users to see how their behaviour, and the network of links between them, changed throughout this time.
The results make for interesting reading. It turns out that the most vocal participants appeared to be highly connected before the movement began. They also shared a common interest in domestic politics.
But while this group became highly vocal during the movement’s peak, their engagement has dropped significantly. As Conover and co put it: “These same users, while highly vocal in the months immediately following the movement’s birth, appear to have lost interest in Occupy-related communication.”
In other words, the Occupy Walls Street movement appears to have faded away.
A significant problem is how to interpret this result. On the one hand, it would be easy to conclude that the movement has largely failed with most activists returning to life as it was before.
But Conover and co are careful to sidestep this conclusion. “An argument can be made that the movement played a role in increasing the prominence of social and economic inequality in the public discourse,” they say.
In any case, it’s unreasonably to expect that the group could have maintained the level of activity that it reached at the peak.
What it does show is how powerful the collective voice can become when it triggers the interest of a subset of users who are already connected. That’s a lesson that other activists and those they target should readily embrace.
However, Conover and co are critical of the way the movement has died away. In particular, they point to a re-occupation movement which began in May 2012 but after which engagement levels on Twitter returned to close to their previous levels within a week or so.
“It is doubtless that supporters may have hoped for a more sustained discourse than is evident from the near-complete abandonment of these once high-profile communication channels,” they conclude.
That seems harsh given that the goal of the movement was not to change the behaviour of the protesters but to change the behaviour of those in position to tackle the inequalities that triggered the movement, such as those in the financial sector and the politicians and regulators who govern them.
So an interesting follow up would be to use the same powerful microscope of social behaviour to identify this group, to study their behaviour and to see whether it has changed in a way that correlates to the Occupy Wall Street movement.
A difficult challenge but surely one worth pursuing. In the meantime, the Occupy Wall Street movement may just be sleeping.
Ref: arxiv.org/abs/1306.5474 : The Digital Evolution of Occupy Wall Street.




The Occupy Wall Street movement began in September 2011 as a grass roots protest against the inequality, greed and corruption associated with the financial sector of the economy. The movement adopted the slogan: ”We are the 99%” which refers to the distribution of wealth in the US between the richest 1 per cent and the rest.
What was extraordinary about this movement was the speed with which it spread, passing rapidly between communities via social media and Twitter in particular.
So an interesting question is how this movement became so big, so quickly and what has happened since to the most active participants.
Today, we get an answer of sorts thanks to the work of Michael Conover and buddies at Indiana University in Bloomington. These guys have studied the flow of information across Twitter related to the Occupy Wall Street movement before and after the protests began. They’ve also looked at the individuals involved and how their Twitter activity has changed over this time period.
Their astonishing conclusion is that despite its fiery birth, the Occupy Wall Street movement has become a damp squib and that the key people behind it have lost interest.
Conover and co began by studying the tweets associated with Occupy-related hashtags over a 15-month period starting three months before the protests began. That gave them a corpus of information consisting of more than .8 million tweets from almost half a million separate accounts.
They then studied a randomly chosen set of 25,000 of these users to see how their behaviour, and the network of links between them, changed throughout this time.
The results make for interesting reading. It turns out that the most vocal participants appeared to be highly connected before the movement began. They also shared a common interest in domestic politics.
But while this group became highly vocal during the movement’s peak, their engagement has dropped significantly. As Conover and co put it: “These same users, while highly vocal in the months immediately following the movement’s birth, appear to have lost interest in Occupy-related communication.”
In other words, the Occupy Walls Street movement appears to have faded away.
A significant problem is how to interpret this result. On the one hand, it would be easy to conclude that the movement has largely failed with most activists returning to life as it was before.
But Conover and co are careful to sidestep this conclusion. “An argument can be made that the movement played a role in increasing the prominence of social and economic inequality in the public discourse,” they say.
In any case, it’s unreasonably to expect that the group could have maintained the level of activity that it reached at the peak.
What it does show is how powerful the collective voice can become when it triggers the interest of a subset of users who are already connected. That’s a lesson that other activists and those they target should readily embrace.
However, Conover and co are critical of the way the movement has died away. In particular, they point to a re-occupation movement which began in May 2012 but after which engagement levels on Twitter returned to close to their previous levels within a week or so.
“It is doubtless that supporters may have hoped for a more sustained discourse than is evident from the near-complete abandonment of these once high-profile communication channels,” they conclude.
That seems harsh given that the goal of the movement was not to change the behaviour of the protesters but to change the behaviour of those in position to tackle the inequalities that triggered the movement, such as those in the financial sector and the politicians and regulators who govern them.
So an interesting follow up would be to use the same powerful microscope of social behaviour to identify this group, to study their behaviour and to see whether it has changed in a way that correlates to the Occupy Wall Street movement.
A difficult challenge but surely one worth pursuing. In the meantime, the Occupy Wall Street movement may just be sleeping.
Ref: arxiv.org/abs/1306.5474 : The Digital Evolution of Occupy Wall Street.